The Vedic texts themselves do not discourage sea-voyage. In fact
there are references in the Rigveda, Satapatha Brdhmana and other texts clearly
show that our ancients did undertake naval expeditions and travelled to distant
places by sea-routes well known to them. In the Rgveda, God Varuna is credited
with the knowledge of the sea-routes followed by ships (1.25.7) and also says
that that merchants used to send out ships to foreign countries (2.48.3). A
naval expedition by the Risi-King Tugra under the command of his son Bhujyu is
mentioned. The occupants including King Tugra and his followers were rescued by
the Asvins, the twin brothers, who came in their hundred- oared galley. Another
passage in the Rgveda addressed to Agni says : “do thou convey us in a ship
across the sea for our welfare”. Thus sea-routes were known to the Vedic
Aryans. And people use to be sent there for defined purpose.
Indus Valley Civilization to 600 a.d. which is covering roughly
three thousand years say the Protohistoric (2500 b.c. to 500 B.c.) and the
Early Historic (500 b.c. to 600 a.d.)
The archaeological evidence so far obtained consists of the actual
remains of a dock at Lothal and a number of trade-mechanisms, tools and
ornaments exchanged between
the Indus and Sumerian Civilizations. The non-decipherment of the
Indus script and scarcity of references in Vedic literature is serious
limitation.The opposite is case of later historic period when we are with
literary references to shipping and maritime trade of the Indians whether it is
the Buddhist Jataka stories, the Jain canons, the Arthasastra, or Periplus
of jhs Erythrean (50 a.d.), and Greek writers such as Pliny (1st
century a.d.) and Ptolemy (2nd century a.d.) There is plenty of
information about the sea-
borne trade, the types of ships in use and the cargo handled at
various ports. Both overseas and
inland trade-routes and the trading centres are graphically
described in the works of foreigners.
Not much has been done archaeologically to unearth the remains of
ancient ports on the Indian coast..
Ghaggar (Sarasvati) valley in the north and the Kathiawar
peninsula
in the south were undertaken by the Archaeological Survey of India
between 1953 and 1958.
The exploration led to more than two dozen Harappan sites by A.
Ghosh in the
Bikaner division of Rajasthan and nearly 100 sites by ……..( writer
of this) and late P.P. Pandya
in Gujarat (including Kutch and Kathiawar). Among them Lothal is
the most important,
as a port-city contemporary with Harappa and Mohenjo-daro. It was
discovered from 1955 and 1962. It is at a distance of 80 kms. southwest of
Ahmadabad
and a well-planned city with neatly laid-out streets, underground
drains
and a large artificial dock for berthing ships. The city was
divided into two parts namely
the Acropolis and the Lower Town:the former being occupied by the
ruler and the
latter by wealthy merchants, artisans and other common people. Mostly
houses were built on 1 to 4 metre-high platforms of mud-bricks as a precaution
against recurring floods in the river.
Because of the abundance of agricultural, forest and marine
products and also due to the fast-increasing overseas trade, the citizen were
prosperous. Lothal developed
several local industries to fulfil the needs of the Egyptian and
Mesopotamian cities. “…
semiprecious stones imported from the Narmada valley were turned
into beautiful beads in the
factories at Lothal and exported to South Arabian ports and
Sumerian cities, which gave
in return the baser metals, wool and cosmetics needed by the
Harappans. While ivory was
another luxury article exported by Lothal, cotton goods and timber
accounted for the bulk of
exports. The whole process of packing, storing and inspecting
cargo handled by Lothal port
has also come to light as a result of the excavations. Trade and commerce
with the
West Asian ports in the Bronze Age is provided by a Persian Gulf
seal found at Lothal and
the Indus-type seals recovered in Mesopotamia. Let us see how a
small village that Lothal
was in 2450 b.c. grew into a major port-city by 2200 B.c.
Between 2450 and 2350 b.c. only small boats could call at Lothal
and Although the volume of
foreign trade increased after the arrival of the Harappans, as the
authors of the Indus Civi-
lization are known, the berthing facilities did not improve
immediately. Ships had to be moored
along the river-quay on the western flank of the village. 2However,
the inhabitants soon found
an opportunity to remodel their village in 2350 B.c. when it was
destroyed by a flood. In new plan of city they added an artificial dock for
berthing larger ships.
The Lothal dock was most scientifically designed as an inlet, 12
metres wide, was built in the northern embankment wall to enable large ships
(of 20 to 25 metres length) to enter the basin at high tide and to have easy manouverability
The Lothal dock was in excellent condition for nearly 350 years
(2350-2000 B.C.). After
That a major damage was caused to the structure by a great flood
in 2000 b.c.
The flood not only damaged the dock, but also scared away some of
the inhabitants of the city. After 2000 b.c. there was a sharp decline in the
material prosperity, industriousness and
urban discipline of the citizens and Trade too suffered a great setback.
Another flood, nay a deluge, in 1900 b.c. swept out of existence of
Lothal and several other Harappan settlements in Kathiawar, and the Indus
Valley. So was perhaps the fate of
Harappa and Mohenjo-daro,
The town shrank in size and
finally ceased to exist after 1600 B.c. Though it continued to be the seat of
the Sea Goddesses, as the warehouse mound was considered to be sacred for the
goddess, Vanuvati Sikotarimata, till 1957
Post-Harappa Period after the fall of Lothal in 1900 b.c. it was
replaced by Prabhasa (Somnath), a place considered holy right from the
Mahabharata times. Dwaraka, was another important port of the Mahabharata
period on the Kathiawar coast.
Gujarat-Makran and Kokan- Malabar coast where from the Harappans
received gemstones, timber, gold, steatite, etc. More than a dozen Harappan (2450-1900
b.c.) and post-Harappan (1900-1500 B.c.) ports existed including the Sutkagen-dor
and and Sotka-Koh
on the Pakistan Makran coast. Lakhapar, Pabhu Math and Surkotda
situated on the northern border of Kutch, as they indicate the ancient
coastline when the Rann was an open sea.
Ghaggar (Sarasvati) and Chautang (Dfijadvatl) valleys and still
later in the Ganga-Yamuna doab. Witnessed several waves to settle down at the
estuarine ports in Kutch,
Kathiawar and south Gujarat. A large number of small post Harappan
ports at the river mouths in the southern peninsulas. Amra, Lakhabawal,
Prabhasa (Somnath),
and Mehgam.
‘Until we come to the
Mauryan period we have very little archaeological evidence to bridge the gap in
the history of overseas trade between the end of the Indus cities and the rise
of the
Mauryan Empire.’
The Mahabharata , the Harivamsa and other texts talked of the sage
Sandipini, and his disciples including Krsna, the hero of the Mahabharata, said
to have gone in six boats from Bhrgutirtha, modern Broach, situated at the
mouth of the Narmada river, to Prabhasa (near Veraval)
Punardatta, son of Muni Sandipini was kidnapped by Puiiyajana
Raksasas who used to visit Prabhasa for trade.
The Harivamsa says that Vaivasvatapuri, or the city of the Sun,
was situated in Nagaloka near Patala and was ruled by Nagakanyas or
snake-maidens. Krsna rescued Punardatta after a fierce battle with the king of
Vaivasvatapuri. According to Lenormant the Theban bas reliefs depict loading of
Pharaoh's ships with booty after the conquest of Punt which is suggested
as the Nagaloka of Mahabharata times.
“The archaeological evidence from Lothal shows that the
Saurashtran ports had trade
contacts with Egypt too in the early part of the second millennium
b.c. The Punyajana Raksasas
might have belonged to Dilmun, where the Harappan merchants had
established their colonies.
Prof. Kramer identifies Dilmun with the Indus cities, while Prof.
Bibby is inclined to identify
it with Bahrain island. Whatever be the identification of Dilmun,
one thing is certain ; by
1700 B.c. Dilmun merchants had the monopoly of trade with India,
and Kusasthali (Dwaraka)
situated at the tip of the Kathiawar peninsula seems to have come
under their sway. Prabhasa,
Dwaraka and Sabarakaccha are three great ports mentioned in the
Mahabharata.”
Bhrgutirtha or Bhrgu-Kaccha, an important port mentioned in the
Mahabharata is
identified with modern Broach. Both Mehgam and Broach alongwith
other ports can thow more light on those cities, ports and trade with more
excavations.
Suppara. the modern Sopara and Colliena (Kaliena) or
Kalyan both situated near Bombay served as ports in 1900-1600 b.c.to
the 6th cent. b.c. Gomantakapura or Gomantapura or modern Goa has been referred
to in the Mahabharata. The ceramic wares of the Satavahana period at Chandour.
the ancient Candrapura. “According to Harivumsa Krsna is credited with the
discovery of the technique of smelting iron during his stay at Gomantakapura,
but the tribal
chiefs with whom he stayed produced weapons made of copper only.”
Archaeological explorations in Belgaum district have indicated existence
of a chalcolithic culture
affinities datable to 1500 b.c. flourished in this region. ‘The
copper-using
folk seem to have been succeeded by the early iron-users of the
Megalithic culture who built
a unique type of graves known as 'passage graves’ for burying the
dead.’ All these evidences show that Goas has a much longer history since
Harappan and Mahabharata eras and was known for both natural resources and
minerals, forest products etc.The Bible itself mentions trade with Ophir or
Sophir, i.e.. Sovira. Book I, Kings, when the ships of Solomon (1015 B.c.)
brought gold, precious stones, etc. The book of Ezekiel is mentioning Indian products brought to Tyre. Ivory, ebony
and precious stones were exported from Gujarat ports in those days too.
The earliest of the Buddhist texts which refers to the sea-voyages
in the pre-Buddhist period is the Baveru Jataka. May be dated 4th century b.c.
the folk tales on which it is based have a much earlier origin, some of them
going back to the 7th century
B.c. The overseas trade with Egypt. Punt, southeast Arabia and
Bahrain happened from Sovira (Sophir)
and later on from Sopparaka and Bhrukaccha.
“For an account of the overseas trade between India and other
countries we ha\e to rely
mostly on the Jataka stories and then corroborating facts with
Greek writers.Another source is the Arthasusira of Kautilya. The archaeological
excavations at Kaveri patinam and Dharanikota on the east coast have added to the
knowledge. The Buddhist text knowm as Sinihulavudana mentions that Prince
Vijaya and his seven hundred followers banished by Siriihabahu, king of Bengal
set sail from the mouth of the Ganga and came to Ceylon on the day of the
Nirvana of the
Buddha. This great event became a fit theme for some of the
paintings at Ajanta. According
to Mahavamsa Prince Vijaya took for his wife a Pandyan Princess
who travelled along with
several officers of State and servants in a large ship which must
have set sail from Kaveripoom-
patinam. Apparently, large ships carrying hundreds of men must
have been in use as early as
the sixth-fifth centuries b.c. Another important text referring to
commerce by sea is the Btiveru
Jataka. Baveru is said to refer to Babylon, but some scholars
think that Baveru should be
identified with Bahrain. Be that as it may, archaeology has now
supplied sufficient evidence
to prove that India traded with Babylon as well as the Bahrain
islands from 2000 b.c. onwards
perhaps upto the 5th cent. b.c. Some of the Jatakas mention that
merchants from Varanasi
and Rajagrha sailed down the Ganga and then went westwards to
reach the ports on the seaboard
of Sobira (Sophir) in the Gulf of Kutch and others to Bharukaccha.
From Sobira and Bharukac-
cha goods used to be sent to Baveru. The merchants going eastwards
used to sail from Banaras
or lower down at Champa. After moving down the Ganga. the ships
would go to Simhaladvipa
(Ceylon) or to Suvarnabhumi t Chryse Chresonesus i which probably
included Burma and
other countries to the east of India.”
Mauryan kings not only encouraged sea-trade but also streamlined
the administration
of the navy. The sea powre of India during the Mauryan period is
evident from the literary references, as well as archaeological. Herodotus (450
b.c.) and other
Greek writers have noted about export of Indian products to the
markets of
Greece.
The Andhra-Satavahana kings and the rulers of the Chola-Pandyan
kingdoms.
Bibliography
1. For all the excavated remains in India (from 1953 onwards)
mentioned in the text see Indian Archaeologv A Revieu,
yearly Journal of the Archaeological Survey of India (New Delhi)
2. Rao. S R , -The Excavations at Lothal". Cu/// Aii/ii Nos 3
4(1956 57)
3. Wheeler, R E M.. The Indus Civilization. Camb . 1953 Also Early
India and Pakistan. Camb 195, S
4. Oppenheim. A. L . -The Seafaring Merchants of Lr". Jr of
the .American Oriental Society. No 74(|9s4).pp o-ii.
5. Sankalia, H D . Prehistory and Protohistory m India and
Pakistan. Bomb , 1963
6 Kramer.S N, -The Indus Civilization and Dilmun. the Sumerian
Paradise Land". Expedition. Vol 6. No I ( 1963). pp. 4+42.
1 Dohakoiu o! Sarahupd ed R Samkrtya\ana. Patna. I95.S, XIV 12. 5S
2 Ed. Is\ara Candra Sabtn. Calcutta, 19P. p 224, w 84-87 The te.xt
utilises the Varna nomenclature in classifying se\eral
other objects also We find the classification being applied by
other writers to other categories of things Apparently theo-
retical. It shovss the hold of the Varna scheme on Indian thought
However, the characteristic qualities of the four Varnas
were probably taken into consideration for such classifications.
3 p 1 3 1 TTT I
4. TC ^asgupta. Aspects o/ Bengali Soiieii. Calcutta. 1935. p 13
5 G ^ Tfourani. Anih Seajiinng in the hulum Oiean in Ancient iiiul
Each Medieval Times, Princeton. 1951, p 90
C" 6 Ibid pp 89 91 See Ibn-Jubayr. Tiaieh. Ed VV Wright,
Revised by M J. dc Goeje. London. 1907. p 71
7. L. Gopal. i'nneisiti ot .4llahahiid Snidies. Ancient History
Section. 1959. pp 3-4
X Barua. Bharhul. Vol I. PI LX 14, no 85
9 Marshall. Sanchi. Vol IT. PI LI
10. Hornell. Indian boat designs, in V/ninici 3 .V/dtui . .X.XVII.
pp 54-68
i-fl R Ferrand. I'oiagcdit McrJuiiidc Arabe Siihivinun en Inde el
eii Chine. Puns. 1922, p 93
\T2. H Yule and H. Cordier. Carhai and the U'di Thither. London.
1915. 11. pp 113- 14 "In this country men make use of
a kind ofvessel which they call Jase. which is fastened only with
stitching of twine On one of the vessels I embarked, and
I could find no iron at all therein "
13 Translated by H .A R Gibb. London. 1929. p 243 "The Indian
Ocean is full of reefs and if a ship is nailed with iron nails
It breaks upon striking the rocks, whereas if it is sewn together
it is given a certain resilience and does not fall to pieces "
14 "For they are stitched with cords of coir , qinbat which
is the husk of the coconut this they (the builders) thrash until
It becomes stringy, then they twist from it cords with which they
stitch the ships". Quoted by Hourani. op cit . p. 92
15 Mirabiha Deseripta. Translated by H A'ule. London. 1X63, p 53
16 H Yule and H Coodier, Cathay and the H-'ay Thither. London.
1915. III. p 67 ■ "Their ships in these parts are mighty frail
and uncouth, with no iron in them, and no caulking - They are sewn
like clothes with twine .And so if the twine breaks
anywhere there is a breech indeed' Once every year therefore there
is a mending of this, more or less, if they propose to
go to sea "
*'17 The Book of Set Marm Polo translated by H 't'ule and edited
by H Cordier. London. 1903. I p 111.
18 VI Komroff. Contemporaries of Mario Polo. London. 1928. p 217
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